Bureaucracy doesn’t need saving from itself
A response to James Plunkett’s SDinGov 2025 keynote, arguing that bureaucracy needs redesign so needs, harms and burdens become structurally unignorable.
This response is to James Plunkett’s keynote at SDinGov 2025, The human alternative – and how design can help, read alongside his recent article How to save bureaucracy from itself.
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James Plunkett’s keynote set out a reformist case: bureaucracy is a machine that has grown rigid, and the fix is to loosen it. His seven levers — legitimising reformers, spreading professions, modernising processes, pruning old institutions, funding edges, loosening control and spreading moral agency — are offered as tools to make the machine less brittle.
It is pragmatic, soothing, almost managerial in tone. The promise is simple: oil the gears, refresh the drivers, swap out parts, and the machine can save itself. But even here, design is framed as the “other side of the brain”: a helpful supplement, not an integrated coequal. Managers remain the adults in the room, holding the binding logics. Relational intelligence is cast as a fix at the edges, not a foundation for governance itself.
Where the logic breaks down
Centering change on reformers turns them into heroes, not systemic change
Heroism is fragile: reformers burn out, get sidelined or purged when politics shifts.
Hero logic lets the system off the hook. Responsibility sits with rare individuals, not embedded obligation.
Spreading professions creates new gatekeepers, not legitimacy
Professionalisation risks capture or politicisation.
Epistemic asymmetry remains: lived experience, dissent and emotion still do not count as valid logics.
Modernising processes smooths the machine, but does not change what it produces
Treasury templates and accountability tweaks still privilege fiscal optics.
Needs remain optional, erased more efficiently.
Pruning institutions without redress is austerity in reformist clothes
Institutional death redistributes harm: protections are lost and workers are displaced.
Without redress, “creative destruction” deepens inequality.
Funding edges without equity tokenises communities
Edge projects get showcased, co-opted or starved once pilots end.
Discovery without integration is innovation theatre.
Loosening control without tension-holding just shifts risk
Relaxed grip redistributes burdens onto the least powerful.
Adaptability for the centre means precarity for the edge.
Promoting moral agency without moral ecology becomes kindness theatre
Discretion is fragile if dissent, grief and anger are not validated as civic logics.
One-off waivers do not stop systems from generating harm.
Omitting power analysis makes bureaucracy sound neutral when it is not
Inertia is not accidental. It reproduces advantage selectively.
Without confronting who benefits, reforms stabilise the system rather than rewire it.
Safe reforms avoid unsafe realities
Training modules and process tweaks ignore harder politics: jailed protestors, delegitimised dissent and erased harms.
Relational practice that does not validate emotion has no traction in coercive contexts.
The wider evidence
What if the very machinery that once stabilised society is now the technology of erasure? Plunkett’s levers may soften bureaucracy, but they do not change its operating system.
Across the Atlantic, Trump has stretched America’s systems to their limits. For the most part, those systems allowed him: executive orders reshaping civil service rules, dismantling protections, erasing groups. That is not failure; it is structure working as designed.
Here in the UK, the asymmetry is visible in another register. Palestine Action has been proscribed as a terrorist organisation, and people charged for merely displaying placards in support. Days later, a far-right rally of more than 100,000 in central London was policed and allowed to proceed. This contrast is not about brittle process; it is about which needs, voices and emotions the state recognises as legitimate, and which it erases.
The crux
Bureaucracy does not need saving from itself. It needs redesign so that needs, harms and burdens are structurally unignorable.
Not reliant on heroes.
Not reversible by political whim.
Not optional in the face of dissent.
Until then, talk of “shuffling to something more human” risks becoming reformist theatre: oiling the gears of the very machine that erases dignity.